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CONTINUED ON LOS ESTUDIOS LA LA THEORY OF DEPENDENCE.

STUDENT: SILVIA RODRIGUEZ LAURA

ID: 20,993,245

SUBJECT: ANNUAL THESIS SEMINAR

TEACHER: GUSTAVO GUEVARA

PROJECT OF THESIS

Topic: The Crisis of the capitalist system 1975: final unannounced History .

Critical analysis of current neo-Marxist within the dependency school: Vania Bambirra, Theotonio Dos Santos and Ruy Mauro Marini .

the deep crisis in Latin America can not be resolved within capitalism. Or is moving steadily towards revolutionary socialism and opened a path of development and progress for the broad masses of our country, or appeals to fascist barbarism, only able to secure the capital conditions for political survival some time for it to continue its development dependent based on the super of workers, the denationalization of our economy, the exclusion of vast sections of the petty bourgeoisie, the export venture the detriment of domestic mass consumption. Such a "development economic "may only be imposed based on the most barbarous tyranny" (¹)

When thinking about these words of Theotonio dos Santos and watch the process since year 1975 to present, in Latin America, opens a big question about forecast was not. A forecast could not imagine the continuity in time of crisis capitalist system without a final resolution, and could not risk the possibility of the emergence of a new pattern systemic accumulation, which overcome the recession. Nor could contemplate the idea of \u200b\u200bdependent capitalist development in Latin America monopoly within democratic regimes, without falling into the exclusive option of: Socialism or Fascism. Again the question is why and here focuses the objective of this research, which seeks to understand the theoretical evolution of the School of the Unit and in particular the group called "radical" or neo-Marxist, made by that Theotonio dos Santos, Ruy Mauro Marini and Vania Bambirra, who advanced deeper into the study of the contradictions of capitalist development and monopoly dependent, resulting in the blocking the development of productive forces in Latin America and the significance of dependence not as an external imposition but as a relationship formed by condition two external faces and internal . On that basis, posed the impossibility of autonomous capitalist development, because the hegemonic distribution in the world and was established as the internal structure of our countries, was set in a subordinate position. Was

(¹) Theotonio dos Santos, "Imperialism and dependency" (Mexico, Ediciones Era, 1978) p. 471.

structural change needed to overcome dependency, as this would produce a continuous process of stagnation, which paid for the political circumstances, could radicalize both right, as left.

The end of history, is well known and today we see as our countries grow, the inequality, because the system is developed, taking fracturante behavior in society: on one hand a minority with high incomes and consumption patterns consistent with the central and the other with a large majority little or no income to bid for survival. Today we see that U.S. made up its hegemonic role, and even some scientists speak of recolonization. Today we see that the production model for large transnationals, no longer think of subsidiaries that manufacture for the domestic market of the country they are guests, but the decomposition of the production process, which locates in country areas more advanced activities identified and most backward countries, work in series, drawing on his behalf differences in productivity and wages. Once again the capitalist system has morphed, developing a new stage in the internationalization of capital , now has global scale and is called "globalization", overcoming the crisis, thanks to the rebuilding of profit rate, with a new form of regulation called post-Fordist, where production and consumption not intended to reach the mass where manufacturing is specialized to be targeted at market segments with high incomes, without geographic boundaries.

What happened between the International Crisis 1975 and the rise that began in 1994, some keys are likely to find on what happened during those years, where function defeat in the mobilization of the working class in Latin America and installation of de facto regimes, opened the door for greater economic subordination, through the deepening of the mechanism of debt, which led to successive military governments as both are democratic, not only to transfer resources abroad continuously, but to introduce economic reforms demanded international financial institutions, which pointed to the unrestricted opening at the expense of domestic industry and in favor international corporations, as well as the dismantling State, while protecting social security and employer, under the excuse of being deficient and inefficient. Ultimately it was in Latin America, where after the political defeat of popular mobilization, it installs a cultural defeat, as the doctrine of "no alternative" created by neoliberalism, means that the social (health, housing, education) commodified. Those areas that a few decades ago were protected by the State, of the contradictions of capitalism, today measured by the criterion of profitability. In summary we believe that de facto regimes opened the way for greater vulnerability not only from economic openness, but also consolidating the defeat of Labor by Capital, as workers were losing bargaining power first because of political persecution and repression then through labor flexibility, and finally from the addition of automation technologies that reduced the number of jobs and whose ultimate effect was the generate a social discipline. Once the vulnerability deepened by debt, deindustrialization , And labor flexibility, the policy could therefore be dictatorial, as democratic as the economic subordination was implemented and appeared as an independent sphere of politics.

Our work aims to track these key moments that explain the improvement of the International Crisis Capitalist System in 1975 and entry into a new phase, from particular study processes Argentina, Chile and Brazil, seeking to establish more clearly the strengths and weaknesses Analytical neo-Marxist theorists of the dependency.

STATE OF AFFAIRS:

The so-called School of the Unit, comprising a many authors, who

share some basic ideas and see the development / underdevelopment, while two sides of the same process; dependence phenomenon internal / external and underdevelopment connected with the expansion of industrialized countries and not previous stage to evolve.

Overall is a classification proposed by the authors and Hettne Blomstrom, whereby could be grouped into three lines:

- Structuralist: pose of which revolve around the diagnosis of the causes of underdevelopment in Latin America and the proposal of limitations for independent development. In this group we find: Osvaldo Sunkel, Celso Furtado, Henrique Cardoso,

- neomarxists: their research will toward understanding the causes of dependent development and monopoly and the need for structural change to resolve the crisis that this type of system generates. Here we can name: Vania Bambirra, Theotonio dos Santos and Ruy Mauro Marini.

- work Ander Gunder Frank, that if it does not fall within Marxism, has in common with neo-Marxists, especially in analysis of capitalism in Latin America (complementary) and generator development and underdevelopment. The big difference is that the posing of Gunder Frank, trapped in the central country schema / satellite country, unable to advance the concept of dependence and its root conditioning.

In our research, we focus within the radical or neo-Marxist group, whose works can be find some basic guidelines. For Theotonio dos Santos, his research, advanced in the context economic cycles of the capitalist system (whose origin crawled in Kondratieff), the study of multinational deeper understanding monopoly capitalism, supported by the work of Baran and Sweezy. At the same time ran the contradictions of monopoly development, scoring a major the fact that the productive base capitalism becomes increasingly international, while the market and state , starting points for development are limited to national frameworks.

On the other hand, left raised the combined and uneven character of this system., Which generates a surplus transfer to the most dynamic centers, which accentuates the world system cycle and generates the development of a the detriment of others. Their work continues in this line, to reach the concept of dependence, a cornerstone of the neo-Marxist group that is understood as a proper relationship of a particular historical moment in the global economy, which determines the internal structure of a country, which in once redefined in terms of their potential for expansion, which always ultimately involves a blockage in the development of productive forces. In particular, the study of Latin American economies , is approached by Dos Santos, both from the export sector, as from domestic industrial .

His whole frame analytical concludes with the view that development of monopoly capitalism and dependent leads to end a crisis within that same system whose contradictions can be exacerbated or not, depending expansionary or recessionary phase of the global economy. Therefore and this agree Dos Santos, Marini and Bambirra, it is necessary to overcome dependency, independent development of Latin America and the settlement of political and economic subordination.

On Ruy Mauro Marini, one of the central works, is about to unravel the "secret exchange unequal, as the core countries exchanged goodwill on high productivity, by absolute surplus with low productivity and super. Here is one of the most important contributions, which joins the explanation of why the development invented the underdevelopment because Latin American specialization in food and raw materials allowed Europe's industrial specialization and the establishment of its axis accumulation in growth of relative surplus value.

From the political debate is important to highlight the concepts discussed Marini, the characterization fascist coups in Latin America during the '60s. This author tries to establish basic differences with the fascist state of the 40's, while not seeking the support of the masses, or form movement superior containing society as a whole. Basically according to opinion establishing a " counterinsurgency State, understood as the corporate state monopoly of the bourgeoisie and the armed forces , under a process of change of the middle class dominant and monopolistic fractions that are domestic and foreign, who will lead the process and are unable of alliance with other classes of product characteristics assumed new type of accumulation., because it does not include as the "Populist State" to the society as a whole (although less is unevenly). The State of Counterinsurgency, it should be understood not only from changes in the bourgeoisie, but since the rise that had been made in the mass struggle, within a new context class alliances: monopoly bourgeoisie-FFAA / Small bourgeoisie-working class. The latter analysis is rich in both incarnation gives the class struggle and has points of contact with the proposals of William O'Donnell, referring the "hegemonic tie" between the alliance offensive / defensive, that breaks new with military dictatorships and the establishment of a new mode of accumulation.

THEORETICAL

The proposed topic will be addressed, from the conception of historical materialism, to define a History of economic ideas about the Development, Crisis and the emergence of a new pattern of accumulation In the capitalist system, from the 70's. To this end, we start from the work done by the current neo-Marxist, comprising Bambirra, Dos Santos and Marini, who give us a very rich in ; regarding the perception of the depth of the crisis, whose character is defined as systemic and international, while advancing on the analysis of the form taken in societies Latin American subsidiaries.

The study will seek to work from the face theoretical and practical Latin American social reality. For the theoretical analysis and in order to achieve greater understanding of the developmental characteristics of the capitalist system and its crisis, will incorporate the analysis of Paul Sweezy about it, that leaves the question raised on the collapse or chronic depression , but ultimately, always viewed as an impediment to the development of the productive forces of society. Coupled with this, take the "Theory Long Waves", with its different phases, as the political and economic processes to study in Argentina, Chile and Brazil, show an interesting sync with the 1967-1975 phase of the cycle.

also from Marxism, but in particular from the Gramscian thought, take the concept of "Hegemony " that allows us to advance on a few meanings central to our work, as "hegemonic role " while the role of U.S. in the international economy. As well as the "hegemonic Tie" between the various class alliances, where any does impose itself on the other, but only hinder the project otherwise. This approach, which was developed in work Guillermo O'Donnell, I think is interesting, to see where the countries studied, as he did and how it was overcome the situation of a tie, from the break that led to military coups in the countries concerned.

Finally from the field of political analysis, derrick see the definition of Socialism and Fascism from the neo-Marxist group, as the likely alternatives are that they pose, to the radicalization of the crisis of 1975.

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THIS ARTICLE MEETS TO OUR PARTICIPATION IN THE WORKSHOP ORGANISED BY BRAZILIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT PAUL MARTINS EMILIO IN EBAP / FGV. THIS IS MORE THAN AN INITIATIVE DEMONSTRATES THE GROWING INTEREST IN THE CONTRIBUTION OF THE THEORY OF DEPENDENCE AND THE WORLD SYSTEM AS WE CAME CALLING ATTENTION TO OUR BLOG.

Brazil The Evidence: The Development of Utopia

Bureau: Theory Dependence: Brazil in the Era of Globalization

Day November 27, 2008

Lecture Prof. Theotonio dos Santos

a curious thing was seeing all the honorees at this symposium are my friends. Not acquainted with the Josué de Castro, but worked with Ana Maria and knew his work very young, the Paulo Freire was very much my friend, I was at his house in Harvard and also in Switzerland, Darcy Ribeiro was a friend of many years, Octavio Ianni, companion, one of the few friends of St. Paul who welcomed us into their home when we were illegal, the staff was a little afraid of receiving an illegal home, Celso Furtado, I also coordinated the campaign for Nobel Prize, the Milton Santos, buddy, great, great friend attended the Reggen, the Florestan Fernandes who was I appointed him to head the Center for Socioeconomic Studies (CESO) of Chile he was there when I arrived and told me to Eduardo Arroyo, director of the Center to work with him, Nelson Werneck Sodré was the jury of my work Master's and Ramos was my best man!

In sociology the group is too small, it is a feature much of Latin America. We are an elite, an oligarchy very small, almost all of the same social group, the middle class in our case. Everyone had such an origin and circling in a very restricted. It was the USP in Sao Paulo and in our case the Faculty Economy of Minas Gerais.

This introduction serves to place some of that history, because this group of honorees is two or three generations of intellectuals who have a continuity of thought. This is a rare thing in Latin America, because here every generation has a reference French or American, the center of thought is out. Each produces in terms of what is being done in Europe or the United States and the continuity of our thinking is difficult to ensure.

Organized in conjunction with Ruy Mauro Marini , a book in two volumes for UNESCO, entitled "Latin American Social Thought in the Twentieth Century." This book had some good press, but no translation into Portuguese and so the impact it did not exist in Brazil. Our publishers have a lot of resistance in publishing books about Latin America, over a long period, exactly the period when we came back from exile, from the 1980s. It was said "Latin America? This does not exist. Latin America does not matter. " . There were a total disinterest in Latin America.

After 1989, there are also a lack of interest in Marxism, because it seemed that with the demise of the Soviet Union, Marxism had failed. The intellectual output of an entire school of thought in Latin America seemed a little out of context. It is true that already in the 1990s is beginning to recover. Today we take up the interest in Latin America because of its integration increasingly latent. Publishers are beginning to have some interest in Latin America, but still very fragile. First because they do not know and second because he is afraid there is no audience.

The discontinuity of thought in our region is very serious, is part of our situation dependency. Not accumulated knowledge, not accumulated the analysis of reality, because you have to accumulate to produce a sequence of path of knowledge. This also requires an ability to manage and administer a driving skills to guarantee the reproduction of knowledge to keep it and advance it.

This seminar is very important because it really is making an effort to ensure that knowledge. Marini has done work similar to this in Center for Latin American Studies (CELA) from the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM).

When universities were founded in Latin America, especially in Hispanic America the relationship between power and the university was strong, to have an idea, the Viceroy watched the presentations that were read the theses of students and teachers university. In Brazil, we had no university until the 30s of last century, but in the English case, they were faced with very important civilizations, Darcy Ribeiro, for example, shows that in his book "The University Required".

Hispanic power to direct the mass of Indians, had to form an indigenous elite. So, if invested heavily in universities to train the indigenous elite with which one could establish dominance. The Church's role was decisive. The English and the Portuguese Catholic. And the world was divided between the two countries, the Pope divided the world between Spain and Portugal. The first major theological debate in the region wanted to know whether or not the Indians had souls. It was a fundamental debate, because if the Indians had no soul you could enslave them in the way they did with the Africans. But if they could become Christians and thus into subjects of the King The King managed to impose the church on the conquered. Succeeded in imposing upon them the idea that they were citizens. The Crown, in order to maintain their control had to value the indigenous.

The issue of English domination required knowledge, training of leaders, whether indigenous or of the Creoles. Spain had an extremely rich and with a significant contingent of people on their domination. Thus, the university here in Latin America and has had a decisive role in the structure and reproduction of power. Within the Hispanic Society of the university historically has an important role.

In Brazil when I told these friends that honored here were part of the academic restructuring and national politics, the military regime that came clashed with all these leaders. None of them worked with the military regime. During the military regime the system lost its ideologues, we could not create its own ideologues. Then came another phenomenon, the intellectual and ideological spin that turned the critical process originating in the theory of dependence on an instrument of justification of the system, a paper run by Fernando Henrique Cardoso and specifically the USP group and CEBRAP. Cardoso made an ideological shift began in 1974 when it began to enter political life Brazil and the MDB in 1978/79, when we were to return because of the Amnesty Law. This is the year that he write the article against the formulations Marini changing its tone in the criticism.

We had shown that the dependence was a situation faced by region as a whole. The our underdevelopment was part of the expansion of global capitalism. It was a form of development, was the other side of the same phenomenon. Refuting the theory that the development was saying about people being late, and now in contact with civilization and the modern role models, would evolve.

We were more modern than the USA and many European countries. We were already major economic centers, major technology centers and major centers of thought. The Americans were creating their first university in the eighteenth century and we had ours, not the Brazilian, but at least our fellow Mexicans, Colombians, Bolivians and Peruvians had already articulated their universities with the power system. We had advanced technology, we we exported agricultural products to the world. The export of sugar, for example, was one of the most important exports of the season and was produced with the most advanced technology. We were not a feudal society that was beginning to modernize.

As a product of capitalism in the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth and consequently the global expansion of capitalism, we are created by organizing our economy to meet the market demand worldwide in the economies of developed countries this process occurred in the period after the consolidation of its domestic markets.

So inclusive is a misconception to argue that Latin American economies were closed and are now opening. The economics of cane sugar was a closed economy? The cane sugar was produced mainly for Europe. The gold that would be great if we had stayed here. We would be a power, we were the highest income per capita in the world in Minas Gerais. But all would gold to Portugal and from there to England.

The Portuguese did not want to work anymore, for they received the gold. Both Portugal and Spain entered a decline in its agriculture, and handicrafts. Because the result of colonial rule was not enough for them need more work. Incidentally, this is a characteristic of the imperialist system, the center of hegemonic imperialism tends to become a zone parasitic parasitism is one of the characteristics described by Lenin in "Imperialism: the Highest Stage of Capitalism" as a fundamental element of imperialism, to grow based on the expropriation of other economies. With the military strong enough to ensure intellectual domination and eventually to justify the whole system.

ideology is what is needed to justify this situation to clear field, but production itself is bought from abroad. Large farms of England turned into golf courses, because the land no longer needed to produce. From 1970 until Today, the United States produced an enormous trade deficit this year of 2008, the trade deficit should be $ 600 billion, nearly the economy of Brazil.

Today the United States is basically a debtor country, and this debt has increased from wars, evidently because wars are expensive to fund them and they had to evict the regions where they occurred. The colonized are paying wars.

Cardoso part of the same basic place, criticizing the chains that were defending the idea of \u200b\u200bmodernization as the key to understanding our reality.

Our undeveloped condition comes with colonization, with our expertise to export agricultural products and raw materials especially minerals, precious gold and silver. The zones were called underdeveloped areas of great development in the past. The Northeast was one of the biggest export centers in the world and it is no coincidence that Freyre develops his study of the Big House, which is a modern enterprise of production for export, with one side facing the home care. This whole economy is developing according to the export sector. The case of Minas Gerais, for example, develops around it an urban area, livestock and grains that are consumed by the rich center which organizes the exploration of gold.

This economy was by then called the feudal system, ie, a closed economy. This shows exactly this problem mentally analyze our reality through the eyes of another reality, that is, to European eyes. If in Europe there was a feudal system, then there should be something similar here. Even within the left, it was believed that the transition from feudalism to capitalism happen the same way in our region.

Cardoso starts from 1974 to change its position. Their formulations that we propose a structure created as dependent and therefore would not be able to overcome the addiction. But we could link it with development and democracy. Can a democracy within the dependency, a dependent capitalism that continues to grow and create new units and economic sectors. Until we speak, so in a dependent capitalist development and development that exist within a democracy.

Marini responds very harshly to this article. In that reply he tries to show exactly how Cardoso is developing the conditions ideological adherence to the requirement for a dependent, subordinate to world capitalism. This membership becomes 14 years later in a political practice. This debate was not visible because the unilateral Fernando managed to stay in the debate, it was just his position, the other side was unknown. Fernando was adjusting his thinking, Single Thought. If the condition of dependency is therefore permanent and it will foster democracy, we should not change the conditions of the dependency ratio. If capitalism has evolved into neo-liberal thinking, we must formulate a corresponding thought. The idea that Fernando said no read his books is totally false. His books prepared for membership of the dominant sector in the Brazilian system and the dependence of our country.

Fernando has built much of the material for the ideological hegemony, but failed to establish it completely. However, she still designs, for example, about Lula and the PT. The general secretary of PT, which he founded and organized the party for a long period and was one of its great thinkers, Francisco Weffort, was Minister of Culture Fernando Henrique for eight years.

There was a total breakdown, there is a continuity. Lula increasingly have difficulties to adjust to it fully and the government has chosen to follow a different path.

There is still an alternative to well-formed thought. This is one reason why dependency theory is so little known in Brazil, a barrier that was created systematically. The claims that Fernando did that dependency theory defended the thesis that it was not possible economic growth within an economy dependent estancacionistas called us.

never defend this thesis. Ruy Mauro was the first to speak in 1965 at the Brazilian sub-imperialism. We were discussing explaining the process of integration into the analysis on the conversion of Brazilian capitalism to financial capitalism. This was the basis of the imperialist system as studied Lenin, he showed exactly that financial capitalism was the basis of imperialism. Tried to show that the sub-imperialism had problems to accomplish, exactly because the internal contradictions were not overcome by the system, unless there was a drop in foreign imperialist domination of imperialism dominant. But anyway the trend in sub-imperialism exists, linked to expansion of financial capital at that time is at a fairly high level of growth in Brazil. Especially within areas under U.S. hegemonic domination are a country that is generating a significant financial capital, and the latest merger between Unibanco and Itau demonstrates how we are ensuring the financial capital of a Brazilian management position outward looking.

Brazil presents a theoretically integrated with the actual processes in its varied forms. This is one characteristic that demonstrates the force of theoretical thought. As this thought could be linked with the international financing, particularly the Ford Foundation and became the main reference for the Brazilian Social Sciences. The CEBRAP of Cardoso and the Department of Political Science of Minas Gerais have become the centers of study in the service of designing the Ford Foundation, to develop democracy in the dependency and thereby foster economic development can not questioning the world system.

Our group is approaching another chain in the United States, the group's world system that has worked with us. Immanuel Wallerstein is a great leader and has done a really great quality of the analysis would be a world system as a tool for analysis of the contemporary world, the formation of capitalism as system and even other derivations such as the orientation towards the East. The location of China as a great alternative to the hegemonic United States. We defend the thesis of the decline of U.S. hegemony. It's all part of a series of studies done over many years. We started working together in 1972 when Samir Amin has organized a meeting in Dakar, after that were being made several other meetings of this group in the world system in various parts of the world, including Brasilia

Dependency theory has a central position in contemporary debates not only Brazil but internationally. Our Current work is maintained with a strong intellectual influence on other political forces to join the critical attitude of confrontation with the system. Clearly, Hugo Chavez, at least one wing of the Chinese Communist Party, and some other social forces are influenced by dependency theory. Because this is the way of criticism, liberation and emancipation of our region. These are experiences that are articulated in a thought that is part of a large political process, yet to unfold.

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Further studies on the theory of dependence on His Marxist interpretation.

Subject: TESIS CONSULTATION FOR DEGREE-THEORY OF DEPENDENCE LA

Distinguished Proffesor Theotonio Dos Santos, my name is Silvia Rodriguez,'m alumna de la Universidad de Buenos Aires. I spoke with Ud. the Fourth Meeting of Political Economy, organized by CEMOP in September of the year just ended.

Firstly I wish you a Happy 2011, and how to comment at this time I find myself working on my undergraduate thesis on the Crisis of 1975 and the theory of dependence, from the investigations conducted by Ruy Mauro Marini, Vania Bambirra and Ud. So you want to ask for his collaboration in order to perform some questions via email, about their jobs, they Lhas be sending between March and April next. Moreover
comment that, I am studying Portuguese for better access to the texts, so I apologize if I have some errors, since it is only a year that He started.

Low waiting for your comments and thank you already tuda your atencion

Thank

Silvia L. Rodriguez

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HAPPY BIRTHDAY MAI LAN


We arrived at 3 years, that goal!